Heinisch
Can Trump exploit this constitutional loophole?
Heinisch
Yes. States' electors meet in mid-December to elect a president, and Congress confirms the election in January. The respective representatives are joined together by the majority parties in the states. A governor loyal to Trump in a state is enough to question the election after a narrow victory for the opposing party. Then the local government, with a majority in the local House of Representatives, decides to reverse the decision due to inconsistencies and send a “true majority” committee to Washington. If it's close, President Biden won't have the decisive votes in the Electoral College. After the last election, Trump wanted to prevent Democrats from getting the necessary 270 electoral votes. It's about the traditionally conservative states that Biden won: Nevada, Arizona and Georgia.
Will this happen again?
Heinisch
The plan is to utilize all existing open spaces. As the current president, Trump can intervene in the election to ensure a suitable successor. A legal challenge could be heading his way. Last time Trump asked his Vice President Mike Pence not to allow Congress to verify the election results. It was considered illegal at the time, and Pence refused. But now, with the decision of the Supreme Court, the attitude that the President can pursue political goals in his own interests is legally enshrined and officers are bound to be loyal to him. In theory, this means that the president can order a deputy to take illegal action and it will be legally protected.
Is America a functioning democracy now?
Heinisch
America is not a functioning democracy, but a dysfunctional one. The Founding Fathers distributed power in a spirit of decentralization in such a way that various events would be perpetually mutually exclusive. The country has fared better because enough politicians have found neutrality across party lines and pushed political agendas together. It no longer works because of polarity.
When did this misery begin?
Heinisch
It started in the early 1990s. When Republican Newt Gingrich became Speaker of the House of Representatives in 1995, the polarization increased. At that time, politicians were prevented from developing friendships across party lines and advancing legislation together. This polarization has led politicians to resort to all means of deterrence, including impeachment and removal of presidents from office. The system is down. Congress passes fewer laws. This impotence upsets the public, which benefits Republicans who rail against the government. So it's constantly evolving.
How to get out of there?
Heinisch
is difficult. Trump won't live forever, he won't run again, everything comes to an end. Right-wing populists routinely reach their vote threshold of 30 percent, which is the same for Trump. He won in 2016 with 26 percent of all eligible voters and lost in 2020 with an equal share. Right-wing populists are very good at mobilizing and maximizing the limited support they have. When it comes to power politics, Republicans are always smarter than the slightly less power-conscious Democrats. Many Republican politicians and voters don't care about Trump's weaknesses because they look to the benefits of being elected. Evangelical voters don't care about his affairs because he fills the Supreme Court with the justices they want. People vote for him because he keeps taxes low. But Democrats are often looking for the perfect candidate — the one who pleases everyone. Which explains why Biden has stuck with him for so long, when it comes to the exercise of power, Democrats can learn a lot from Republicans.
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