nd.The day / nd.The week
Berlin (ots)
New York is a union city, even the centrist Democrats want to say so. In addition, there is a strong left in the metropolis. The two are the first to contribute to union representation on the Amazon platform in the United States. But favorable starting positions are only one reason for the historic success. The grassroots work of the workers around Chris Smalls is also important.
In the company’s internal anti-union campaign, Amazon could create hidden prejudices against corrupt union bosses that are widespread in the United States. Left-wing extremists also like to argue against the union bureaucracy – sometimes in an exaggerated way. But of course, Smalls and his fellow Amazon Labor Union (ALU) activists could be more loyal to the non-operating warehouse at the Amazon warehouse on Staten Island in their campaign for union formation. Precisely because they are not professionals who came from outside. This is partly the case with RWDSU, a retailer trying to establish a union in another Amazon location in Conservative Alabama.
The success of the ALU points to historically lower unionization rates in the American private sector: let the workers be guided, let the activists support them, and let them be more confrontational and direct – and take more risks. This can be seen in Teamster, a powerful transport workers’ union that has recently been democratized and plans to operate more enthusiastically in the future. Other unions should follow suit.
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